Visit
with Parliamentary Candidate, Adam Afriyie (Windsor),
in May 2004.
As I was born in New York, where my parents were working with the
UN at that time, I have a certain affinity with the United States,
but having been critical of President Bush's handling of the Iraq
conflict, I anticipated some conflict of views at my meetings in Washington.
Instead I found
a country very different from the one I visited just after 9/11.This
was a terrible event that, amongst other things, highlighted how
exposed America had become in the absence of traditional battle
lines. The compulsion to retaliate was high and with the largest
most advanced military force in the world, there was little appetite
to debate the issues with countries who had no stomach for lengthy
negotiation. When determining foreign policy, power is split into
four principal components, The White House, The State Department,
The Pentagon and Congress. Talk, across the board, was of action
and not diplomacy. American flags flew from every building and bridge,
as a country, united behind its President, began its war on terrorism.
Today the huge
display of patriotism is as evident as before and Iraq, not Afghanistan
dominates the headlines. The debate on whether the war with Iraq
was justified is overshadowed by the debate on how to bring the
US troops home safely and how involved America should be in future
conflicts.
At both the
State Department and the Pentagon there was a greater appreciation
of the role allies can play and an understanding that simply carrying
a big stick can achieve only so much. Fuelled by the build up towards
the November elections, the fundamental question of America's role
in international affairs seems also to be under review. Both the
Democrat and Republican parties advocate a more pragmatic and inclusive
approach to foreign policy with less reliance on American military
capability. The police and military presence on every street corner
is a constant reminder that the threat of terrorism is still there
- even the most powerful nation in the world has had to adapt to
a more restrictive way of life with security checks and alerts a
daily occurence. Almost three years after 9/11 people are asking
'Why do some countries hate us so much?' To answer this question
Americans need to re-evaluate their own opinions of themselves and
what others think of them.
My visit coincided
with 'WWII Memorial Day' marking America's contribution to the war
and especially the Normandy landings. America undeniably made a
critical contribution, yet few Americans I spoke to, were aware
that D-Day was a British led operation, (a perception not helped
by the film 'Saving Private Ryan'). 73,000 US troops joined 83,000
British and Canadian troops under General Montgomery's command.
It is easy to
see how a super-power thinks it's the best, economically and militarily
it is in a league of its own. But the confidence this brings has
resulted in the contributions other countries have made (or can
make) being overlooked. Today Al-Qaida and Iraq have left America
bruised, isolated and unappreciated. Why should America deal with
the world's problems if it is then criticised by its allies and
attacked by its adversaries? Unless a multi national approach to
dealing with today's threats can be established, there is growing
support for America to adopt a very isolationist attitude towards
foreign policy. One approach could involve the United Nations.
At present,
Americans have a low opinion of the UN. They see it as a talking
shop, corrupt and removed from reality, where, despite contributing
over quarter of the entire budget, the US has the same influence
as Djibouti who contribute around 1000 times less. Yet many countries
rely on the UN as the bastion of international democracy, and take
issue, on principle, to any country occupying another without consent
from a higher authority.
The UN was originally
formed to deal with a different kind of global threat. A radical
overhaul of its objectives, functions and authority is well overdue
in view of this new threat presented by international terrorism.
Britain, strategically placed between the US, Europe and Commonwealth
countries is in a pivotal position to instigate this.
I went to America
expecting to find a country frustrated with the rest of world who
dare to challenge its approach to dealing with international terrorism.
Instead I found a country coming to terms with its own international
identity but at a crossroads about what to do next.
During my visit,
much emphasis was placed on London's 'special relationship' with
Washington; as America seeks to re-define its foreign policy, Britain
should take the lead role in helping re-define the United Nations.
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